Thursday, August 26, 2004

IAEA will give Iran's nuclear program a clean bill of health in its next report

International News Article | "IAEA will give Iran's nuclear program a clean bill of health in its next report

TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran has cleared up all major outstanding ambiguities over its nuclear program to reassure the world it was not trying to make an atomic bomb, a senior official was quoted as saying on Wednesday.
Washington has accused Iran of running a covert nuclear weapons program under the cover of a civilian atomic energy program. Iran says its ambitions are limited to the peaceful generation of electricity.

A senior Iranian official said the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) would give Iran's nuclear program a clean bill of health in its next report, due to be circulated in the coming days among the members of the IAEA's board of governors.

"The new report is a clear sign of our progress in solving technical ambiguities with the agency," state media quoted Hossein Mousavian, secretary of the foreign policy committee of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, as saying.

Washington has pressured the IAEA to report Iran to the U.N. Security Council, which can impose economic sanctions.

Iran had to explain the origin of traces of highly enriched uranium found at Iranian sites and the purpose of its interest in advanced P2 centrifuges, which can produce bomb-grade uranium twice as quickly as its current centrifuges.

Iran says the traces of enriched uranium were caused by contamination from components bought on the black market. Tehran also says its work on P2 centrifuges, which can be used to make bomb-grade fuel, has not gone further than preliminary stages.

The IAEA's 35-member Board of Governors will meet in September to discuss Iran's nuclear dossier.

Hosseini renewed Iran's call for its nuclear case to be removed from the U.N. nuclear watchdog's agenda afterwards.

"The Americans do not want it because it will create another scandal for American officials before their presidential elections," Hosseini said.

Western and non-aligned diplomats in Vienna said the report would be inconclusive and would neither confirm nor reject the view that Iran has a covert bomb program."

1st Iran-Afghanistan joint commission in Tehran

IranMania News: "1st Iran-Afghanistan joint commission in Tehran

LONDON, August 26 (IranMania) - Iran's Deputy Economy and Finance Minister Mohsen Safaei Farahani said in a meeting with Afghan Trade Minister Mostafa Kazemi in Kabul Wednesday that two countries 1st joint commission will be held in Tehran after Afghanistan's presidential elections, Iran's State News Agency (IRNA) reported.

He said that Afghanistan's economic and trade conditions are satisfactorily improving and that the establishment of the commission could lead to materializing bilateral economic cooperation.

Farahani added, "Iranian businessmen and merchants expect the Afghan officials to give permission to Iranian banks to operate in Afghanistan and to activate their own customs affairs in a way to ease commercial activities."

Establishment of Iranian banks' branches, facilitating for better land transportation, increasing flights between the two countries, and clarifying the Afghanistan custom's tariffs are the Iranian merchants' other demands in order to promote the level of economic cooperation with Afghanistan, said the the Iranian deputy minister.

He added, "Iran's private sector is fully ready for construction of a three thousand ton cement factory in Herat." Kazemi said that the Afghan government is trying to balance the situation for foreign investors including providing for entering the country more easily.

He said that Afghanistan needs to train its personnel in all government offices and the Persian language and Iranian culture are fully familiar for the Afghans, so Iran is the only country in the world that can help the Afghans in that regard."

Iran's defeated reformists are divided over what to do next

The Daily Star - Opinion Articles - Iran's defeated reformists are divided over what to do next: "Iran's defeated reformists are divided over what to do next

By Majid Mohammadi
Special to The Daily Star
Saturday, August 21, 2004

Iran's reformers are in crisis. The organizational framework for the reformist movement, the Second of Khordad Front, is considered by many Iranians to be passive, ideologically divided, and far too accommodating to the Islamic Republic's authoritarian establishment. The front has decreased its public demonstrations and its platform for an Islamic democratic state is purposefully vague. With its declining fate may disappear the last chance for nonviolent reform from within Iran.

Iran's reformists have four strategies open to them. The first is to join the overseas opposition, which believes the Islamic regime cannot be reformed and must to be overthrown. In the opposition's view, the only constitutional difference between the monarchy and the clerical regime is the nonhereditary aspect of the latter's rule, while other characteristics, such as being above the law, endure. The present regime violates human rights, denies sovereignty to the people as well as freedom of speech, expression and conscience.

Supporters of this strategy observe that Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, began as a weak leader politically and temperamentally, and ended up combining Islamic guardianship with personal rule. In a regime where powerful, nonelected political and religious institutions have always had the upper say, there is little margin for elected bodies. The bad experience of Iran's sixth Majlis and the weakened presidency of Mohammed Khatami confirm this impasse.

The religious establishment has behaved like a political caste and imposed a strict code of public conduct. Now that the unpredictability of the political process is over and the hard-liners in the regime have reimposed themselves, the reform movement has nothing to offer. That leaves no choice but to get rid of the authoritarian regime. However, on the downside, adherents to this strategy have not provided a nonviolent plan for implementing it.

The second strategy involves returning to civil society and organizing and mobilizing the disenfranchised. This idea derives from criticism blaming the reformists' organizational shortcomings for their passivity toward the brutal actions of the regime. People who propose this approach argue that the reformist movement had no clear strategy in its various incarnations.

There are discouraging features in this scenario. The Iranian public has not shown much interest in participating in civil associations to organize its interests and build institutions. The government can stop any group from forming by not issuing it a license, and can ban any group by resorting to the judiciary. The public has repeatedly asked the state to give society some leeway, to no avail. Civil society institutions cannot articulate, negotiate, implement or enforce their claims. In contrast, the establishment of about 25,000 NGOs during the reformist period suggests this pessimism may be overstated.

A third strategy is for the reformists to repeat what happened between 1997-2003 and accept limited power. The argument in favor of this is that participation in the system would diminish the cultural and social damage of the clerical regime's authoritarian policies. However there are counterarguments. The reformists have no influence over the hard-liners, and the people who voted for Khatami in 1997 will not again accept an insider who makes positive gestures internationally, but fails to fulfill expectations domestically. Even prominent groups inside the Second of Khordad Front are suspicious of this kind of political action.

Finally, the fourth strategy is to prepare for a "velvet revolution," like what happened in Georgia or Czechoslovakia. This requires that reformers be active in civil society institutions and prepared to take over power when the authoritarian regime collapses. This strategy does not require holding positions of power, campaigning during the elections or joining the opposition; it only requires creating a network of reformers, organizing the disenfranchised, having a voice in public and being a minority in Parliament. The forces seeking to take over power in this way must keep their distance from the government and its corruption in order to gain the trust of the majority.

How do the reformist strands respond to each of these strategies? The student movement tends to favor returning to civil society. Reformists in the government lean toward accepting limited power. The silent majority favors a velvet revolution. And only a small group of reformers believes in joining the opposition, though most are aware of the impasse in reform and the autocratic nature of the Islamic regime and its constitution.

Time no longer favors reform-minded Iranians. The authoritarian camp has been able to obstruct reformist legislation, close more than 100 independent newspapers and magazines and repress political activists; it has the resources to halt the drive toward transparent and accountable government, without a popular mandate. It has also successfully broken the coalition of students, women and intellectuals that allowed the reformists to win executive and legislative powers in 1997, 2000 and 2001. The fact that different strategies exist is itself a sign of the growing separation between reformist groups. The window of opportunity for reform in Iran is indeed closing.

Majid Mohammadi, an independent writer based in New York, has authored books and articles on Iran and Islam ( He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR"